The geopolitical dynamics between the United States and China have increasingly become characterized by a contentious tech war, driven by both nations’ ambitions to dominate critical technological sectors. This section explores the political strategies of Donald Trump and Kamala Harris concerning the US-China tech war, highlighting their differing approaches and the bipartisan consensus that shapes US policies. Additionally, it examines the implications of the US presidential election on this international rivalry.
The approaches of Donald Trump and Kamala Harris towards the US-China tech war are shaped by distinct strategic philosophies. Trump's strategy, often termed "strategic decoupling," aims to reduce dependencies on China by using broad tariffs and comprehensive measures to address the trade deficit (‘De-risking’ vs. ‘Strategic Decoupling’: Understanding Harris’ and Trump’s Approaches to Economic Security, 2024). His proposals include imposing a 10 percent tariff on every import, a 60 percent tariff on all Chinese imports, and a 100 percent tariff on all cars made outside the U.S., reflecting a unilateral and aggressive stance (Would Trump Escalate the U.S.–China Trade War?, 2024).
Conversely, Kamala Harris is likely to continue the Biden administration's "de-risking" strategy, characterized by selective tariffs and targeted export controls. This approach seeks to maintain economic ties while safeguarding national security, emphasizing collaboration with allies to restrict U.S. technology from benefiting the Chinese military (www.reuters.com, n.d.). Harris's method is more targeted and coordinated, extending the strategies employed during the Biden administration (www.crisisgroup.org, n.d.).
Despite their differing strategies, both Trump and Harris's approaches reflect a bipartisan consensus on the necessity of curbing China's technological rise. This consensus supports the imposition of tariffs and export controls to counter China's unfair trade practices (‘De-risking’ vs. ‘Strategic Decoupling’: Understanding Harris’ and Trump’s Approaches to Economic Security, 2024). The bipartisan agreement underscores the recognition of China as a strategic competitor, although opinions vary on how aggressively to pursue these measures.
This consensus has led to a sustained focus on high-tech sectors, with the Biden-Harris administration maintaining and intensifying many of Trump's tariffs, particularly in areas like electric vehicles and batteries (Would Trump Escalate the U.S.–China Trade War?, 2024). Such policies indicate a shared understanding of the need to advance the U.S. tech sector to ensure competitiveness in crucial industries.
The outcome of the US presidential election holds significant implications for the trajectory of the tech war with China. A victory for Trump would likely mean a continuation or escalation of aggressive economic decoupling policies, emphasizing unilateral tariffs and a broader disengagement from China (www.crisisgroup.org, n.d.). On the other hand, a Harris presidency would likely maintain the current de-risking strategy, balancing competition with cooperation and potentially fostering selective engagement in tech and trade relationships (‘De-risking’ vs. ‘Strategic Decoupling’: Understanding Harris’ and Trump’s Approaches to Economic Security, 2024).
Ultimately, regardless of the election result, the US-China tech war is anticipated to intensify, with both candidates focusing on critical areas such as imports of Chinese devices and exports of U.S. chipmaking tools and AI chips (www.reuters.com, n.d.). This ongoing rivalry reflects deep-seated strategic, economic, and technological considerations that transcend individual leadership styles.
Artificial Intelligence (AI) and semiconductor technologies are at the heart of the US-China tech war. These technologies are not only pivotal for economic and strategic dominance but also crucial for national security. The United States has focused on restricting China's access to advanced semiconductor technologies through export controls. This move is part of a broader strategy to hinder China's military modernization and technological advancements by leveraging the US's leadership in semiconductor design and semiconductor manufacturing equipment (SME) (Gupta et al., 2024).
The US is also investing heavily in domestic semiconductor production to ensure supply chain security and maintain technological autonomy. This effort is supported by policies such as the Inflation Reduction Act, which aims to bolster the US's position in the semiconductor industry by reducing dependence on foreign production (www.theregister.com, n.d.).
In response to the stringent export controls imposed by the United States, China has undertaken a multi-faceted strategy to circumvent these restrictions and bolster its semiconductor industry. One significant approach is the acceleration of domestic semiconductor development, which is evidenced by a surge in semiconductor patent filings. This initiative is part of China's broader strategy to achieve technological self-sufficiency and reduce its dependency on foreign technologies (www.theregister.com, n.d.).
China has also employed tactics such as stockpiling older machines, accessing restricted technology through intermediaries, and improving smuggling routes to maintain its technological development momentum despite US restrictions. Additionally, Chinese companies like Huawei and SMIC have made significant advancements in semiconductor technology, such as developing a 7nm chip, despite the US's attempts to prohibit the production of such advanced semiconductors (Gupta et al., 2024).
Moreover, China has retaliated against US companies through various measures. For instance, China banned certain domestic sales of Micron's memory chips following a cybersecurity review, which significantly impacted the company's revenue. Furthermore, China has blocked mergers involving US companies, such as the proposed merger between Intel and Tower Semiconductor, by delaying regulatory approval (Gupta et al., 2024).
In a strategic move to counter US actions, China has asserted state ownership over rare-earth materials essential for semiconductor production. This step, effective from October 1st, reflects China's intent to leverage its control over critical resources in the ongoing tech war. In response, the US has tasked companies like Raytheon with developing new semiconductor technologies that do not rely on materials controlled by China ([News] U.S. Reacts to China’s Gallium Export Controls with New Initiative for Diamond-Based Semiconductors, 2024).
(www.fpri.org, n.d.; Eitel, 2024; www.nytimes.com, n.d.; Semiconductor Supply Chain Disruption: Unpacking the US-China Trade Conflict, 2024; Analysts see options for US despite China’s mineral export controls, 2024; Subscribe to read, 2024)
The intensifying US-China tech rivalry significantly impacts global advancements in artificial intelligence (AI) and cybersecurity. This competition has led to stringent measures, such as the US imposing export controls on Chinese tech companies like Huawei and SMIC, which are crucial players in the AI and cybersecurity sectors. These sanctions restrict China's access to advanced technologies, compelling China to accelerate the development of its indigenous capabilities, thus fueling a global race for technological supremacy in AI. This rivalry has also driven nations to increase investments in cybersecurity to protect their technological infrastructures from potential threats and espionage activities, as detailed by (Allen, 2023).
Moreover, the implications of this tech war extend to the shaping of international norms and practices around AI and cybersecurity. As the US and China vie for dominance in these fields, their actions influence global standards, potentially leading to fragmented regulations and practices. This dynamic underscores the critical need for establishing cooperative frameworks to ensure that global technological development proceeds in a secure and standardized manner, as noted by the (Cybersecurity and U.S.-China Relations, 2024).
The structural interdependence between the US and China, particularly in the technology sector, presents significant challenges to efforts aimed at decoupling these two major economies. This interdependence is manifested in the semiconductor industry, where American companies rely on Chinese manufacturing facilities for chip assembly, while Chinese tech giants depend on US semiconductor technology. Such a deeply intertwined relationship complicates any attempts at economic separation, making decoupling economically challenging and potentially disruptive to global supply chains, as highlighted by (Why the United States Is Losing the Tech War With China, 2024).
Efforts to decouple could lead to significant economic disruptions, such as global semiconductor shortages, which illustrate the complexities involved in reducing interdependence. The integration of companies like Huawei into global supply chains exemplifies this complexity, as both nations derive substantial economic and national security benefits from their continued interaction, as discussed in (Njie, 2024).
Despite escalating tensions, there are pathways through which the US and China could maintain cooperation to avoid conflict. The necessity for collaboration is underscored by the global nature of supply chains and markets, which require engagement to prevent outright conflict. For instance, strategic dialogues focusing on areas of mutual benefit, such as climate change and global health, could serve as platforms for cooperation amidst broader rivalries, as suggested by the (Cybersecurity and U.S.-China Relations, 2024).
Additionally, both countries could engage in multilateral agreements and international forums to set global standards for AI and cybersecurity. Such cooperative efforts could help manage competition in technology and establish norms that prevent the escalation of conflicts, fostering a stable international technological environment, as noted in (Kennedy, 2024). By maintaining a level of cooperation, the US and China can navigate their competitive dynamics while mitigating the risk of conflict, thus contributing to global stability.
(US to unveil AI national security memo to avoid China’s ‘strategic surprise’, 2024; Bureau, 2024; Essay: Reframing the U.S.-China AI “Arms Race”, 2024; www.tandfonline.com, n.d.; Capie et al., 2020; academic.oup.com, n.d.; U.S.-China Relations for the 2030s: Toward a Realistic Scenario for Coexistence, 2024; Alroy, 2024; The US-China technology war and its effects on Europe, 2024; www.reuters.com, n.d.)
The trajectory of the US-China tech rivalry is not solely dictated by the leadership in the Oval Office. Instead, it hinges on a complex interplay of political, economic, and strategic factors that transcend individual administrations. Whether under a leadership like Trump's, which historically favored aggressive unilateral measures, or Harris's potential administration, which might lean towards multilateral diplomacy, the tech war's intensity will be shaped by broader geopolitical and economic imperatives. As delineated in (Wu, 2020), both administrations are likely to continue prioritizing American technological supremacy and national security concerns, albeit through different methodologies. Trump's approach may emphasize direct confrontation and tariffs, while Harris might pursue cooperative engagement in global forums, yet both strategies inherently maintain a competitive edge against China.
Navigating the tightrope between competition and cooperation with China requires a nuanced strategy that aligns economic interests with national security imperatives. The United States could adopt a dual strategy of reinforcing its technological and industrial bases while engaging in selective collaboration with China on global challenges like climate change and health crises. This approach necessitates clear delineation of sectors where competition can be safely intensified and areas where cooperation can yield mutual benefits. For instance, according to (Wu, 2020), sectors such as renewable energy and pandemic responses offer platforms for collaboration without compromising on strategic interests.
Mitigating tensions in the tech war involves establishing robust frameworks for dialogue and international cooperation. One viable strategy includes developing international norms and agreements on technology exchange and intellectual property rights, as these are frequent flashpoints in US-China relations. Additionally, fostering multinational coalitions that advocate for balanced technological development can help cushion the impact of bilateral tensions. These coalitions can work towards establishing global standards that ensure fairness and transparency, reducing the scope for unilateral actions that exacerbate conflicts. Moreover, engaging in continuous dialogue and negotiations to address specific areas of concern, as recommended by (Wu, 2020), can pave the way for de-escalation and constructive engagement.
In conclusion, the US-China tech war is poised to remain a central theme in global geopolitics, irrespective of the US's political leadership. While the approaches of leaders like Trump and Harris may differ, the underlying dynamics of competition and cooperation will persist. The future of this rivalry will depend on the ability of both nations to balance their competitive drives with the necessity for cooperation on global issues. Strategic dialogues, coupled with multinational cooperation, present viable pathways for mitigating tensions and ensuring that technological progress aligns with global standards of fairness and mutual benefit. As the world navigates this intricate landscape, the focus must remain on fostering an environment where competition does not preclude collaboration.
(www.worldscientific.com, n.d.; www.academia.edu, n.d.; academic.oup.com, 2024; Heath & Thompson, 2018; www.um.edu.mt, n.d.; academic.oup.com, 2024; Lippert & Perthes, 2020; www.brookings.edu, n.d.; Zhao & Dan, 2019)
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